Peter Magyar’s Geopolitical Vision Draws Attention To The Rise Of Europe’s Sub-Regional Blocs

Peter Magyar’s Geopolitical Vision Draws Attention To The Rise Of Europe’s Sub-Regional Blocs

By Andrew Korybko

Creative diplomacy could help Russia unlock the strategic opportunities that they present.

New Hungarian Prime Minister Peter Magyar proposed merging the Visegrad Group comprised of his country, Poland, Slovakia, and Czechia with the Slavkov format consisting of those last two and Austria. Politico observed in their article about his geopolitical vision that, “As a clear signal of that strategy, Magyar said his first trips as Hungary’s new leader in early May will be to Warsaw and Vienna.” This draws attention to the sub-regional integration trends in Europe that’ll now be described.

The most important one by far is Poland’s attempt to revive its lost Great Power status by serving as the core of economic, ideational, and ultimately military integration in Central & Eastern Europe (CEE) via the “Three Seas Initiative”, President Karol Nawrocki’s EU reform proposal, and the “military Schengen”. In all likelihood, however, reality will probably fall short of Poland’s ambitions and a series of sub-regional groups (whether formalized or not) will probably emerge instead of a Polish-led CEE.

Beginning with Poland, the Via Baltic Highway’s dual economic-military function could expand Polish influence over the Baltic States while its shared West Slavic identity with Czechia and Slovakia could intensify cooperation with them. Planned rail and port investments in Ukraine could hypothetically lead to it falling under Polish influence, but Germany is fiercely competing for Kiev’s loyalty, and Zelensky’s top advisor earlier predicted a “competitive relationship” with Poland after the conflict ends.

Moving southward, tighter Austro-Hungarian ties could lead to Czechia and Slovakia either leaning closer to those two or balancing them with Poland. Slovenia and Croatia might align themselves with this potentially (re-)emerging regional integration core too. Bosnia would likely remain a zone of “friendly” competition between them and Serbia, which could at most intensify integration with Republika Srpska and possibly repair ties with Montenegro, but it’ll either be isolated or forced into subordination.

On that topic, “Greater Albania” and “Greater Bulgaria” are expected to experience de facto revivals, with the first already essentially existing in part of Montenegro, most of NATO-occupied Kosovo & Metohija, and a slice of Macedonia, while the second might further expand its influence into Macedonia. Greece, which is expected to continue strengthening ties with Cyprus, will probably have cordial relations with its “greater” historical rivals due to the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline and Vertical Gas Corridor.

That last-mentioned project swings the analysis around to its Romanian and Moldovan participants, whose military institutions have already de facto merged since 2022 and a political merger might follow, while the final sub-regional group is centred on Sweden and involves Finland and the Baltic States. The last three overlap with Poland’s sphere of influence through the Via Baltica highway and could thus serve to stimulate closer Polish-Swedish cooperation against Russia in the Baltic Sea.

All in all, the global systemic transition to multipolarity has sparked new sub-regional integration trends in Europe, all of which interestingly have an historical basis. The identified groups don’t share Russia’s vision of reducing the West’s role in global affairs, but they nevertheless represent (re-)emerging poles within the “Global West/North”, which is no longer the united US-led bloc that it was before 2022. Creative diplomacy could help Russia unlock the strategic opportunities that these trends present.


Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Voice of East.


 


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