Lavrov Sounds Alarm On US Efforts To Cripple Russia’s Second-Strike Capability

Lavrov Sounds Alarm On US Efforts To Cripple Russia’s Second-Strike Capability

By Andrew Korybko

Russia has proven that it’s capable of retaining its nuclear second-strike capabilities, but the US’ continued attempt to neutralize them is very unfriendly, which greatly impedes any possible “New Détente” after the end of the Ukrainian Conflict.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov held his first press conference of the year on Tuesday, during which time he elaborated on Russian policy towards a wide range of issues. Among the most important ones that he addressed was the impending end of the New START early next month. Trump had earlier declined Putin’s proposal to extend its terms for another year. Lavrov interpreted this as reaffirming the US’ attempt “to establish superiority in certain areas of strategic stability” over Russia.

He then elaborated on the four interconnected ways in which this is being pursued. The first is the US’ deployment of ground-based intermediate- and shorter-ranged missiles in Japan, the Philippines and soon Germany. This policy was made possible by Trump 1.0’s withdrawal from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty. In practical terms, the US could equip these missiles with nukes to obtain an edge in any first strike scenario since they could hit their target before they have time to assess the threat.

The second element is the US’ plans to expand the deployment of its nuclear weapons in Europe, little of which is known to the public. Nevertheless, this policy complements the abovementioned as was explained and signals that the US won’t abandon its strategic nuclear outposts in Europe. It also heightens the strategic threats that Russia faces from the western vector, thus ensuring that the bulk of its strategic capabilities remain aimed in that direction even after the Ukrainian Conflict ends.

The third way in which the US is attempting to establish strategic superiority over Russia is through Trump’s “Golden Dome”, the purpose of which is to neutralize Russia’s silo-based second-strike capabilities. The US’ acquisition of Greenland would enable it to intercept Russian ICBMs over the Arctic. Russia’s response is to build more nuclear submarines for launching second strikes from other directions in parallel with building more Poseidon nuclear underwater drones for unleashing devastating tsunamis.

And finally, the last part was what Lavrov spent the most time on, and that’s the US’ weaponization of outer space. He said that the US only proposes banning nuclear weapons there, not non-nuclear ones, which is a tacit admission of its plans in this domain. Lavrov didn’t mention it, but the “Golden Dome” also has a space-based component, which could be exploited to clandestinely position offensive weapons there instead of purely defensive interceptors. This possibility poses many problems for Russia.

Putting these four constituent parts together, it becomes clear that Trump wants to restore the US’ hitherto declining unipolar hegemony over global affairs, which he envisages achieving in large part by obtaining strategic superiority over Russia and China in order to then blackmail them with first strikes. Preempting this dark scenario was one of the reasons behind Russia’s special operation after the Kremlin learned of the US’ clandestine plans to one day deploy offensive and defence strategic assets to Ukraine.

Under Trump 2.0, the US is now globalizing such threats to Russia’s nuclear second-strike capabilities, thus sparking an undeclared strategic arms race. Russia’s test late last year of the unlimited-range nuclear-powered Burevestnik missile along with the related development of other offensive strategic assets prove that it’s capable of retaining its aforesaid capabilities. Even so, the US’ attempt to establish strategic superiority over Russia is very unfriendly, which greatly impedes any possible “New Détente”.


Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Voice of East.


 


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